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In 1991 Bosnia was home to 4,365,000 people (twice as many as live in West Virginia; 1/3 fewer than Switzerland); its largest city was Sarajevo (pop. 526,000). Much of Bosnia’s population is urban and (until April 1992) was employed in manufacturing mining technology and service industries. It is (or was) a modern industrialized European country with respectable educational and health-care statistics. Almost all (over 95%) of the people speak the same language (called Bosnian or Serbo-Croatian) and come of the same European racial stock descended from Slavic tribes that settled in the area in the early Middle Ages. The people of Bosnia are traditionally called Bosnians. For reasons having to do with recent history (and as much with 20th-century ideologies as with traditional religious allegiances). Bosnians whose ancestors were of the Catholic faith are now identified as Bosnian Croats (17%) while those of Eastern Orthodox background are now identified as Bosnian Serbs (31%). The largest group of the Bosnian population however are the Muslim Slavs (44% in the 1991 census) descendants of Christian Bosnians who accepted Islam some 500 years ago. Until the late 19th century people of all three faiths identified themselves simply as Bosnians. Most Bosnians today are in fact highly secularized and about a third of all urban marriages in Bosnia in recent decades have been between partners from different religious/ethnic backgrounds. While there were some villages in the countryside where one group or the other predominated. Bosnia’s towns and cities have traditionally been the shared home of people from all ethnic and religious groups. The latter include Jews who found a haven in the tolerant city of Sarajevo in 1492 following their expulsion from Spain. Unlike Jews in Venice and elsewhere in Europe. Sarajevo’s Jews were not confined to a ghetto. The city’s principal mosques its synagogues and Christian churches are all located in close proximity to each other a visible sign of the intermingled public and private lives of its ethnic and religious communities. Like the rest of the Mediterranean region. Bosnia was part of the Roman Empire during the first centuries of the Christian era. After the fall of Rome the area of Bosnia was contested between Byzantium and Rome’s successors in the West. By the 7th century AD. Bosnia was settled by Slavs who formed a number of counties and duchies. The 9th century saw the establishment of two neighboring kingdoms: Serbia (southeast of Bosnia) and Croatia (in the west). In the 11th-12th centuries. Bosnia was governed by local nobles under the authority of the Kings of Hungary (the large kingdom to the north which had also taken over neighboring Croatia). Around 1200 A. D.. Bosnia fought for and gained its independence. To retain it the Bosnians had to fend off not only the Hungarians but also their powerful neighbor to the east the Kingdom of Serbia. The independent medieval Kingdom of Bosnia endured for more than 260 years (somewhat longer than the United States has thus far). Its population was entirely Christian but in a tolerant environment unusual for the Middle Ages there was not one Christian church but three. While most Bosnians were Roman Catholics. Eastern Orthodoxy and a schismatic local Bosnian Church also had adherents. All three churches were organizationally weak their clergy largely uneducated and none could count on steady and exclusive state patronage (these factors later contributed to the decision by a large part of the Bosnian people to abandon Christianity for Islam). In the 14th century the Ottoman Turks (an Islamic state originating in Asia Minor) embarked upon their conquest of the Balkans. By 1389 Serbia had suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Turks (at the famous battle of Kosovo) and had been reduced to the status of an Ottoman vassal. Through skillful maneuvering between its more powerful neighbors. Bosnia managed to retain its independence until 1463 when it also succumbed to the Turks. The conquering Ottoman armies marched on towards Vienna and in the century that followed many Bosnians (for both spiritual and social reasons) dropped their allegiance to the weak and disorganized Christian churches and adopted the triumphant faith of the Islamic conquerors. The spread of Islam was aided by itinerant Muslim popular preachers who taught a fairly broad-minded and inclusive form of Islam that allowed Bosnians to adapt their old traditions to the new faith. The Ottoman sultans and their local governors embellished Bosnia’s towns and cities with splendid mosques and established pious endowments that supported schools. Islamic seminaries libraries orphanages soup-kitchens and almshouses. Many Muslim Bosnians rose to join the ranks of the Ottoman ruling elite as soldiers statesmen. Islamic jurists and scholars; not a few attained the highest posts in the Empire. Within Bosnia a distinctive Bosnian Muslim culture took form with its own architecture literature social customs and folklore. There were also Bosnians caught up in the spiritual ferment of the 1400s and 1500s who did not choose Islam; some switched allegiances between Catholicism and Orthodoxy (the schismatic Bosnian Church soon faded away) some emigrated and there were also immigrants from other parts of the Balkans. The Ottomans were tolerant of the non-Muslim minorities allowing them full freedom to worship live and trade as they pleased. At the same time non-Muslims were subject to higher tax-rates and most civil and military offices of the Empire were reserved for Muslims. For more than 400 years Bosnia retained a distinct identity as the Eyalet of Bosna a key province of the Islamic Ottoman Empire. A native aristocracy of Bosnian Muslim notables ruled the province in all but name ready to defend their autonomy by force of arms if need be against any efforts to curtail it. Thus Bosnia shared both in the Empire’s days of prosperity and glory and in the decline that ensued in the 18th century. As the Ottoman Empire’s borders began to recede. Muslim Slavs who had been driven out of the lost provinces found a refuge in Bosnia reinforcing the already large Muslim element within its multi-ethnic population. Bosnia’s Ottoman centuries came to an abrupt end in 1878 when the Great Powers of Europe met in Berlin to decide what to do about the Ottoman Empire. Eyed hungrily by these same powers (as an object of colonial conquest) the Ottoman Empire by this time seemed ripe for the fall. Unable to pay its financial obligations it was threatened both by internal civil disorder and by the aggressive designs of its neighbors. What saved the Ottoman Empire from disintegration for another forty years (until the end of World War I) was the inability of the Great Powers to agree on a division of the spoils. A compromise was reached at Berlin according to which Ottoman finances were entrusted to an international commission composed of the creditors while the Empire’s borders were for the moment to be left largely intact. There were to be some exceptions: Bosnia-Herzegovina was to be administered by Austria-Hungary (which had felt left out in the race for colonies); the island of Cyprus was assigned to Britain (which insisted it needed it to protect the Suez Canal); and after 500 years of Ottoman rule. Serbia. Montenegro and Bulgaria were given full independence (at Russia’s insistence). The newly installed Austro-Hungarian administration in Bosnia was determined to turn it into a showcase “model colony.” Railroads and industries were developed with state subsidies; new schools public buildings parks and other icons of modernity were to symbolize the benefits of the new regime. There was a building-boom in Sarajevo and little intellectual circles began to discuss up-to-date European ideologies in the coffeehouses. Among these new ideologies alas was nationalism that bastard offspring of 19th-century Romanticism and social Darwinism. The nationalist dream of a great South Slav state united under the leadership of Orthodox Serbia was eagerly promoted from across the border (by Serbian agents covertly financed by imperial Russia the self-appointed “guardian of all Eastern Orthodox peoples”). The Muslim Slavs saw no place for themselves in this proposed new order and continued to advocate the old Bosnian ideal of a pluralist multi-confessional society; for obvious reasons the latter was also the orientation favored by the Austro-Hungarian authorities. Some Bosnian Muslims emigrated to Turkey and other parts of the Ottoman Empire fleeing Austrian military conscription and a politically uncertain future. Most stayed however taking advantage of the educational and economic opportunities brought in by the new rulers and their community grew more modern and prosperous as it entered the 20th century. Serbian nationalists meanwhile were plotting to overthrow Austro-Hungarian rule not only in Bosnia but also in the neighboring South Slavic lands of Croatia and Slovenia. The Austro-Hungarian government’s decision to formally annex Bosnia-Herzegovina (in 1908-1909) added to the nationalists’ sense of urgency. In the summer of 1914 a Serb nationalist youth named Gavrilo Princip assassinated the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne during a state visit to Sarajevo. The ensuing World War killed millions throughout Europe. Among the casualties were many Bosnians drafted to fight in the Austro-Hungarian army (and some who fought for the Serbian army) but the city of Sarajevo itself and most of Bosnia somehow miraculously escaped becoming a battleground in this first World War. When the Great War ended in 1918 more than half of Serbia’s military-age male population was dead wounded or missing in battle but the nationalists had realized their dream: Serbia’s ruler was crowned King of the Serbs. Croats and Slovenes of the newly-created greater South Slav state that before long was renamed Yugoslavia. As the original name indicates there was to be no special provision made for people who considered themselves neither Serbs nor Croats and in the interwar years Bosnia’s Muslim Slavs were pressured to register themselves as one or the other. Insofar as the Muslims counted on the political scene it was as a football between Serb and Croat nationalist ambitions. In the 1920s and ’30s as the Yugoslav regime became increasingly dictatorial and centralist even those non-Serbs who had initially welcomed its arrival had reason to resent it. Especially bitter were the Croats who had enjoyed considerable autonomy under the Austro-Hungarian regime and thought they would be equal partners with the Serbs in the new state. A turning point came in 1928 when the popular Croat Peasant Party leader Stjepan Radich was shot to death on the floor of the Belgrade parliament by a Serbian radical deputy. In a royal coup the following year the parliament was dissolved and the constitution suspended; internal borders were redrawn to efface historical territorial units (such as Croatia and Bosnia); the newly-formed provinces were placed under the rule of iron-fisted military governors sent from Belgrade. Some Croats succumbed to the lure of anti-Serb extremist organizations including the fascist Ustasha movement supported by Italy. When Yugoslavia’s king was assassinated by an anti-Serb extremist during a state visit to France a new crackdown followed. Unresolved social and economic issues combined with the local effects of the global economic depression of the 1930s also helped to gain adherents for extremist groups of the right and the left including the small Yugoslav Communist Party. Hitler invaded Yugoslavia in 1941 the king fled abroad and the country was parceled out between Nazi Germany’s allies and local clients. The northernmost strip (Slovenia) was annexed to the Greater German Reich; most of the Adriatic coastline of Croatia was assigned to Fascist Italy; Macedonia in the south was given to Germany’s ally Bulgaria. What remained was divided up between the Nazi puppet-state of Croatia (compensated for the losses on the coast by being granted all of Bosnia) and a German-appointed regime in Serbia headed by a former royal Yugoslav general named Milan Nedich. The fascist regime in occupied Croatia under Ustasha leader Ante Pavelich undertook to ethnically “cleanse” the areas it controlled by the murder of large numbers of Serbs. Gypsies. Jews as well as Croat political opponents sent to their deaths in camps such as Jasenovac southeast of Zagreb. Many thousands of Serbs were forced to “become” Croats by signing loyalty oaths and converting to Roman Catholicism. Bosnian Muslims were considered as “Muslim Croats” in the Ustasha ideology and for the time being they were largely spared in this round of killing. Although Bosnian Muslim religious and political leaders spoke out publicly against the regime’s program of ethnic and religious persecution some Muslims also joined in the slaughter as part of a short-lived all-Muslim SS division established in 1943 under German command. Meanwhile in occupied Serbia a similar campaign was carried on under General Nedich who operated concentration camps for Jews non-Serbs and his Serb political opponents on behalf of his German overlords. The first experiments in mass executions of camp inmates by poison gas were carried out in Serbia which became the first Nazi satellite in occupied Europe to declare itself “Judenrein” (”cleansed” of Jews). Gen. Nedich’s Serbian militia forces which played a key role in this task outnumbered both German security forces and resistance fighters within the wartime borders of Serbia. Many Serbs who despised Gen. Nedich for his readyness to serve the Germans joined a Serbian nationalist resistance movement popularly called the “Chetniks” and headed by another royal Yugoslav army officer. Col. Drazha Mihailovich. Though initially supplied by British airdrops. Mihailovich soon stopped fighting the Germans as it became clear that every resistance attack on a German soldier or unit would be followed by savage reprisals against the Serbian civilian population. Thereafter there was little anti-German guerrilla activity within Serbia proper as the Chetniks turned their attention to “safer” targets more in line with their nationalist ideology which envisioned an ethnically pure Greater Serbia. “Cleansed” of all non-Serbs. Gypsies. Jews and traitors to the cause this pure Serbia of the future was to extend beyond Serbia’s current borders to embrace all of Bosnia-Herzegovina and much of Croatia. In pursuit of this vision. Mihailovich’s Chetniks launched their own “ethnic cleansing” campaign in Bosnia aimed at “undoing” the work of the Ustasha by killing off Croats and Muslim Slavs in order to tilt the ethnic balance in favor of the Serbs. Bosnia became a killing ground as bands of Serbian Chetniks the Croatian Ustasha local militias. German and Italian occupation troops and the Communist Partisans vied with each other in terrorizing various segments of the civilian population. (Half a century later the Chetnik vision of a purified Greater Serbia has been resurrected by Serb nationalists; the main street in the sector of Sarajevo under the control of nationalist forces was recently renamed Drazha Mihailovich Street in tribute to the memory of the Chetnik leader and his ideology.) Meanwhile the Yugoslav Communists led by Josip Broz Tito had organized their own multi-ethnic resistance group which took up the fight against the Nazis as well as against the Chetniks. General Nedich the Ustasha and against anyone else who did not support their call for total armed struggle. Tito’s Partisans who fought their bloodiest battles in the mountainous terrain of central Bosnia and coastal Croatia did not care that their attacks would provoke the Germans into killing off whole villages in reprisal. They knew that an embittered populace would then have no choice but to join the Partisans if they wanted to revenge themselves on the hated occupiers. Any who hesitated to join would soon be convinced by other means including equally brutal Partisan reprisals against collaborators and other “enemies of the people.” In battling the Communist Partisans the Chetniks were drawn into compromising alliances with local Italian and the German occupation forces while Tito’s guerrillas gained a reputation for effectiveness in tying down Axis troops. As a result in early 1944 the Allies withdrew their support from the Chetniks and began to airdrop supplies to the Partisans. Thanks both to their ruthless tactics and to a now continuous flow of Allied military aid. Tito’s Communist Partisans emerged at the end of the war as the undisputed masters of Yugoslavia. They marked their victory with mass executions of tens of thousands of Croat and Slovene militiamen who had surrendered to them at the conclusion of hostilities. Tito awarded himself the title of Marshal and ruled Yugoslavia as a one-party dictatorship for 35 years until his death. Because Tito broke with Stalin soon after the end of World War II he became a beneficiary of the Cold War receiving economic and military assistance as well as diplomatic backing from the West. While Tito was one of the founding members of the international non-aligned movement and remained a staunch proponent of his own brand of Communism it was economic and military aid supplied by the West that enabled him to build the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) into the fourth largest military force in Europe. When rumors of Tito’s impending death in the 1970s sparked fears of Soviet intervention. US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger declared that the United States viewed Yugoslavia as vital to its national interest and would risk nuclear war in its defense. In Tito’s Communist Yugoslavia overt manifestations of nationalism were proscribed and severe limits were imposed on religion since both were seen as rivals to the official ideology. The country was reconstituted along federal lines: Bosnia-Herzegovina restored within her pre-1918 borders became one of six constituent republics (the others were Serbia. Croatia. Montenegro. Macedonia and Slovenia). In the Tito era for the first time since World War I. Bosnian Muslims received official recognition of their separate identity (i e they were no longer forced to declare themselves as Serbs or Croats). Bosnia and its people had suffered terribly during the war but the city of Sarajevo had once again emerged physically unscathed; it became the center of a cultural and economic revival. Although development in Bosnia lagged behind the levels attained by the more prosperous republics in the decades following the end of the war Bosnia was transformed from a largely agricultural backwater into a modern industrialized society. Public worship and religiously-based customs were discouraged or banned outright under Tito’s rule (this affected Islam as severely as it did the Christian denominations) but there was fairly broad freedom of cultural expression as long as it did not appear to pose a political threat. In the early 1970s there was an economic boom fueled in large part by money borrowed from abroad and much of the country enjoyed a period of unprecedented prosperity (the claim that Serbia did not get as much of a share of this prosperity as certain other republics later became a theme of the Serbian nationalists’ politics of resentment). All of this began to unravel after Tito’s death in 1980. Yugoslavia was ruled for the next decade by a committee composed of the presidents of the six republics and two autonomous regions with members taking turns as federal president. The economic boom had also come apart the foreign loans that had financed the prosperity of the early 70s dried up and rivalries among the republics ensued as they began to compete for pieces of an ever-shrinking federal pie. In theory ethnic tensions had been overcome by socialist internationalism but in practice national groups had long been played off against each other by the regime. While local Communist party leaders in each federal republic were given control of political affairs and patronage ethnic Serbs were allowed to dominate the JNA officers’ corps as well as key positions in state enterprises. By the end of the 1980s. Communism as an ideology and state system was coming undone throughout the entire region. Nationalism was resurrected to fill the ideological void as each of Yugoslavia’s member republics sought to make its own way. The collapse of Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe and the end of the Cold War also heralded the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia—a structure built by Tito but kept going in large part by his success in exploiting Cold-War rivalries. In the first multi-party elections held in 1990 the Communist Party carried only Serbia and Montenegro; in all the other republics parties calling for greater autonomy from Belgrade or outright independence won large majorities. The dissolution of federal Yugoslavia was hastened by the rise to power of Slobodan Miloshevich as president of the Serbian Republic and his embrace of an extreme Serb nationalist agenda. That agenda calls for a solution of the “national question” by the creation of a Greater Serbia uniting all Serbs in a single state; in 1986 it was endorsed by the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences. The following year. Miloshevich and his hard-line faction gained power within the Serbian League of Communists in large part by playing the nationalist card—appealing to the Serbian sense of grievance at having been deprived of a leadership role in Tito’s Yugoslavia and at being outstripped by some other republics economically. He demanded that the more prosperous republics (Slovenia and Croatia) take on a greater share of the costs of the federal budget and called upon them to defer to Serbian leadership. His denunciations of Croat and Slovene efforts to liberalize the economy and to privatize state enterprises struck a chord among workers anxious about rising unemployment and other uncertainties of life in the twilight of the Communist era. By the end of 1987. Miloshevich was speaking of scrapping the federal constitution and the collective presidency altogether calling for a new recentralized Yugoslavia united under a single strong hand. In 1989 seizing upon the patriotic fervor surrounding a historic anniversary. Miloshevich initiated a crackdown on Serbia’s ethnic Albanians who form the majority (90%) of the population in the country’s southern autonomous province of Kosovo. Kosovo was the seat of a Serbian kingdom in the Middle Ages and the site of the famous battle fought in 1389 that ended medieval Serbia’s independence and began its centuries of subjection to the Islamic Ottoman Empire. In the romantic imagery of Serbian nationalism. Kosovo represents both Serbia’s past greatness and its humiliation at the hands of Muslims. The continued presence of a large and politically assertive Muslim Albanian population in Kosovo is perceived as an intolerable affront to this nationalist vision of Serbia. In 1990 Miloshevich issued decrees abolishing the autonomous status of all of the Serbian Republic’s minority regions and severely curbing the educational and political rights of ethnic minorities. The autonomous regions’ seats in the Yugoslav collective presidency were retained however and were packed with Miloshevich’s own appointees. Non-Serbs throughout Yugoslavia watched these developments with growing unease unwilling to become either tools or targets of his policies By the summer of 1991 Slovenia the most prosperous and Westernized republic decided it had had enough of Miloshevich’s attempts to seize control of the federal presidency. When Miloshevich tried to block the Croatian member of the collective presidency from taking his turn at the federal helm the Slovenes issued an ultimatum. As the deadline passed without a response from Belgrade the Slovene parliament declared for independence (in theory the right of each republic to secede was guaranteed under Tito’s federal constitution). In Belgrade the Serbs responded with outrage and the Yugoslav federal army (with a 70% Serb officer corps) was called upon to intervene to stop Slovenia from seceding. The army was unprepared for such a mission and the Slovenes using public relations as much as derring-do managed to inflict a series of humiliations on their vastly more powerful adversary (including sending captured JNA conscripts home on trains headed for Belgrade clad only in their underwear). Following a brief struggle. Slovenia achieved its independence and JNA troops were evacuated to bases in neighboring Croatia. Since there is no Serb minority within Slovenia this humiliating turn of events did not as yet seriously impinge on the Serb nationalist dream of a Greater Serbia. The same was not true in the case of the other republics. Croatia which is home to a sizeable Serb minority population declared its independence on the same day as Slovenia. Following a tense period of skirmishes and negotiations between the Croatian government representatives of Serb nationalist parties within Croatia and the Serbian-dominated federal authorities talks broke down just as the conflict in Slovenia next door was coming to an end. The Yugoslav army launched a full-scale offensive against Croatia from its bases in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina in coordination with militias that had been formed by Serb nationalists (supplied and armed by the JNA) within Croatia. Savage fighting ensued marked by the Serbian forces’ deliberate targeting of civilians and of cultural landmarks (including the brutal siege of the medieval port city of of Dubrovnik and the total destruction of the town of Vukovar a jewel of Baroque architecture). Battles continued until the end of the year when the UN brokered a cease-fire that left nearly a third of Croatia’s territory under the control of Serbian forces. This fighting bore all the features that later characterized the conflict in Bosnia including the forcible expulsion of civilian populations from conquered areas known as “ethnic cleansing.” Within Serbia. Miloshevich catered to nationalist sentiment by further tightening restrictions on minorities and instituting a reign of terror against the Albanians in Kosovo. Ultra-nationalist Serb paramilitary groups were given free rein and there were calls to “cleanse” all non-Serbs from the Serbian lands. 185,000 Albanians in Kosovo were dismissed from their jobs in the state-controlled economy; the non-Serb population was subjected to a new round of random assaults killings and mass arrests. The hard-pressed Albanians responded to this policy with nonviolent resistance organizing a civil disobedience campaign and declaring for independence in an underground referendum held at the beginning of 1992. A plebiscite on independence was held in Bosnia-Herzegovina in late February 1992. The Serb nationalist party threatened violence and called for a boycott but participation was high and in an optimistic mood 70% of Bosnian voters (including many Bosnian Serbs) turned out to cast their votes for independence. Despite the fierce rhetoric of Serb nationalism most Bosnians could simply not imagine that the horrors of World War II would be revisited on their country whose citizens had lived with each other in tolerance for most of the previous 500 years. On April 5. 1992 following the declaration of independence by Bosnia’s parliament there was a mass demonstration by citizens of Sarajevo. Serbs. Croats and Muslims calling for peace among Bosnia’s three major communities. Yugoslav National Army snipers and Serb nationalist militants hidden on surrounding rooftops opened fire on the crowd killing and wounding scores of unarmed citizens. The following day. JNA units began to shell Sarajevo from prepared positions on the hillsides overlooking the city and columns of troops and tanks crossed the Drina River from Serbia into eastern Bosnia. Initially armed only with police sidearms and hunting rifles later with captured and smuggled weapons. Bosnians tried to defend their newly independent country against the onslaught of the Serb nationalist forces unleashed by Miloshevich. By April 7. 1992. Bosnia-Herzegovina’s independence had been officially recognized by the United States and by most European countries. On May 22. 1992. Bosnia-Herzegovina was admitted as a full member of the United Nations. But an arms embargo imposed on all of the former Yugoslavia by the UN (in 1991 at the request of the Belgrade government and since then maintained at the insistence of the US and its Western European allies) has in effect barred the internationally recognized Bosnian government from acquiring the means to exercise its right to self-defense guaranteed under the UN Charter: Meanwhile Miloshevich and Serb nationalist forces in Bosnia have at their disposal the resources of the Yugoslav National Army including the fourth largest arsenal in Cold-War Europe. They have used these weapons to lethal effect in their assault on Bosnia’s cities towns and villages. Over a million people have been bombed and driven from their homes hundreds of thousands of civilians have been killed and wounded. Serb nationalist forces have overrun 70% of Bosnia’s territory. “cleansing” conquered areas by driving out or killing the non-Serb inhabitants. Among the methods of “ethnic cleansing” employed by the Serb forces are the selective killing of the non-Serb community’s civic religious and intellectual leaders the confinement of all males of military age in concentration camps and the use of mass rapes as a weapon of terror and abasement. The dwindling number of non-Serb inhabitants remaining in the zones under Serb control have been barred from employment in the public sector and are required to display white flags on their places of residence. Denied police protection by the nationalist authorities non-Serbs (Muslims. Croats. Gypsies and Jews) remaining in Banja Luka and other occupied Bosnian towns have been subjected to vicious attacks including robbery murder and rape carried out with impunity in broad daylight. The nationalists have also enacted antimiscegenation statutes that make it a crime for a non-Serb to marry or engage in sexual relations with a Serb. Nationalist extremists are also trying to wipe out any physical evidence that could remind future generations that people other than Serbs ever lived together in peace in Bosnia. Historic mosques churches and synagogues as well as national libraries archives and museums have been torched dynamited and bulldozed throughout the areas under assault by nationalist forces. The practitioners of “ethnic cleansing” are not content to terrorize and kill the living; they want to eliminate the memory of the past as well. Amidst the surrounding carnage many Bosnians of all backgrounds continue to cling to the ideal of coexistence. There are an estimated 55,000 Bosnian Serbs among the 380,000 citizens of Sarajevo who still remain in a city that has thus far endured more than a year of unremitting Serb bombardment and a harsh winter under siege. Although Muslim Slavs constitute a majority among the over two million people crowded into the areas still under the control of Bosnia’s internationally recognized government both its civil administration and its army have remained multi-ethnic in composition. Bosnia’s vice-president and the deputy commander of the Bosnian armed forces are both Bosnian Serbs. Citizens of Serb and Croat background continue to live work and worship in Sarajevo. Tuzla and other towns under the Bosnian government’s control and—while the miseries of war and the flood of refugees into these enclaves have exacerbated social tensions—there is no officially sanctioned ethnic or religious discrimination. Sought out encouraged and given legitimacy by European diplomats in search of the “Croat faction,” in the spring of 1993 Croat nationalists began their own “ethnic cleansing” campaign in an effort to carve an all-Croat “homeland” out of Herzegovina. Indications are (at this writing) that the Croats and the Serbs may be on the verge of a deal to carve up Bosnia between them perhaps with a small area around Sarajevo left as a reservation for surviving Bosnian Muslims and for any other Bosnians unwilling to reside in ethnically pure states. Meanwhile initiatives to lift the arms embargo against Bosnia’s government and calls for forceful international intervention to end the conflict have been continually blocked in the UN and in other international forums. Calls for cease-fires and for a stop to the atrocities have gone unheeded in the absence of any meaningful measures to enforce them. The governments of Russia the United States and its European allies appear to have concluded for the present that conceding to the Serb nationalists the full fruits of their aggression will be less trouble—at least in the short run—than assuming the political risks that any intervention might entail. Permitting the Bosnians access to arms in this analysis would merely allow them to resist a speedy and convenient solution to the conflict. The United States and NATO which only twenty years ago were ready to risk a nuclear confrontation over Yugoslavia now view its descent into genocide and chaos with detachment unwilling to step in and anxious only to keep the mayhem from spilling over into areas of more immediate concern. Secretary of State Warren Christopher has stated that since the conflict in Bosnia “does not affect our vital national interests,” America will not intervene. Great Britain. France and our other European allies have stated their disinterest in intervening in even stronger terms. Russia and China anxious not to create precedents for humanitarian intervention closer to home have done their best to avert concerted action in the UN. Stopping genocide is it would appear not among the political imperatives of the New World Order. In anticipation of the coming flood of Bosnian refugees ministers of Western European countries held a meeting at the beginning of June 1993 to coordinate tighter restrictions on asylum and immigration. The siege of the city of Sarajevo (suffering the scars of battle for the first time in 300 years) and the uneven struggle between the two visions of Bosnia one multi-ethnic and inclusive the other “purely” Serb and exclusive continues to this day.

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What's your favorite color?Alicia: "Pinky Red"Robert: "Spring color" What's the best use of interior color you've ever seen?Alicia: "Nathalie Lete's bedroom or Azzedine Alaia's boutique hotel"Robert: "A-POC Store Paris" We first Unison in the early days of AT: Chicago and had the pleasure of at ICFF this past spring. The duo designed in Finland for years before moving the business back to Chicago. We're happy to claim them as locals and are thrilled that they are lending their designer's eye for color to the judging of. "We formed Unison in 2006 with the vision that modern create by mental act can be a livable breathable everyday part of life. With combined backgrounds in textile design and photography our collection of printed bedding throw pillows and delay linens mix organic and graphic inspired motifs for a modern and colorful look with an emphasis on minimalist style and innovative print design. " <a href> <b> <i> are allowed. URLs will be converted to links and line breaks are automatic. We have sent an email to the communicate you registered with for verification purposes. Please use the link in the verification email to activate your account. {if ! preview}{if mention anonymouse == true}posted by {if comment url}{/if} on ${mention comment_date|html}{else}posted by on ${comment mention_date|html}view ${mention screen_name}'s {/if}{else}Preview...{/if}

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The Republicans led by George W. Bush. Rudy Giuliani and their hard-core neoconservative hit squads have spent millions on television messages supporting the military surge in Iraq. They mounted a study campaign to alter MoveOn org in order to derail the group's proven ability to increase funds for antiwar messages and Democratic candidates. During the election year pro-war Republicans are poised to promote staying the course in Iraq while threatening or change surface instigating a war on Iran. The Democrats ordain have to respond with more than an echo. But at this point the leading Democratic contenders are reluctant to say they would displace out all the troops from a war they affirm to oppose. In sharp differentiate to Republicans. Democrats at least support withdrawing most or all American contend troops on a twelve- to eighteen-month deadline. Asked for claim timelines however the top contenders tell that they would put off the withdrawal of all troops until sometime in their second term. The platform of "out by 2013" may be a sufficient difference from the Republicans for some but it won't satisfy the most committed antiwar voters. Asked about the five-year estimate. Senator Hillary Clinton's spokesman on Iraq policy. Philippe Reines expressed surprise but his formulation of her views did not conflict with the idea of a long US presence: that she wants substantial troop reductions starting immediately without a deadline for completion and with a smaller American compel left behind dedicated to training Iraqis and counter-terrorism. "It's beginning to conclude like 2004," says one Washington insider at the Center for American Progress a evaluate store led by former Clinton Chief of Staff John Podesta. CAP issued a key memo on October 31 complaining about a "strategic go" setting in among security strategists and the Democratic leaders they discuss. The schizophrenia consists of wanting to end the war as painlessly as possible while running away from their anti-Vietnam past. In the triangulating phrase of Barack Obama one can't be seen as a "Tom Hayden Democrat" on Iraq. The leading Democratic contenders buy the line of a more hawkish think store the Center for a New American Security a mostly Democratic cast of auditioning future national security advisers. They propose the gradual multiyear withdrawal of contend troops and an change magnitude in the be of Special Forces and trainers who are somehow supposed to train the Iraqi army and follow Al Qaeda from Iraq. A similar proposal was made at the beginning of this year by the Iraq Study assort based on a December 2006 inform. The dangerous even irrational assumption of this thinking is that a small number of American trainers and Special Forces can complete what 160,000 troops have failed to do. Nevertheless the proposal has understandable challenge. Bush plans to withdraw 25,000 to 30,000 troops this spring to salvage an army at the breaking inform. If the next President withdraws another 75,000 troops in 2009 the peace movement ordain approach the challenge of opposing a war that appears to be slowly ending. Iraq would then likely evolve into either an Algerian- or Salvadoran-style dirty war or tumble toward a South Vietnam-style fiasco with American advisers trapped in the cross-fire. But it would be mostly invisible until the endgame if managed successfully with American casualties declining in a low-profile war. Can anything be done to avert this scenario? Actually yes. The peace movement does have an opportunity to solidify public opinion behind a more rapid withdrawal--regardless of what the national security advisers evaluate. Peace advocates will likely have the best-funded antiwar communicate in history during the coming election year. Tens of millions of dollars will be raised for voter education and registration and get-out-the-vote campaigns through the 527 committees which disseminate election messages independent of partisan candidates. The Democrats defaulted on their opportunity to use these independent committees for a peace message in 2004 when they muted and muddled their antiwar position. But this time they will have to contend with the frustration of millions of antiwar voters and their nominee will be pledged in rhetoric at least to end the war. Backed by real resources skilled organizers and volunteers across the electoral battlegrounds of 2008 ordain be able to determine register and move out voters through door-to-door work combined with radio and television spots. Already former MoveOn political director Tom Matzzie is being entrusted with a $100 million finance for independent expenditures during the 2008 electoral cycle a significant administer of which will go to antiwar messages. The money will come from antiwar unions desire the Service Employees International and big-money donors like investor George Soros and Hollywood producer Steve Bing. Podesta is personally involved in the independent campaign as well through a 527 entity called finance for America. This plan poses enormous challenges. Who ordain make the decisions what ordain be the Iraq/Iran communicate who will deliver it and by what means? The independence of the 527 committees is based on an organizational separation from the political parties. But the message will likely be consistent with if not identical to the candidates' message influenced by the same hawkish consultants. Yet the peace movement has an opening to exert its affect: it can demand a role in the independent campaign as a condition of enlisting its legions of local peace activists. The challenge will be to compose an antiwar formula that unites the peace forces and progressive Democrats rather than one that depresses vast numbers of antiwar voters. Beyond the air of message there's the challenge of whether the independent campaign is controlled from the top or is open to the thousands of volunteers already devoted to antiwar efforts in their local communities. Matzzie is a brilliant handle organizer in his early 30s trained in the post-1960s staff-driven methods of groups like USAction. Most of these organizers undergo little knowledge of Iraq foreign policy or peaceful alternatives to the "war on terror." Their backgrounds be to be in labor or consumer organizing or door-to-door canvassing for donations. Typically they are results-oriented (number of phone calls made voters identified. "hits," etc.) rather than community-oriented. Ideally. Matzzie will map out a contend plan calling for cooperation where local groups already undergo strong bring in records (like New Hampshire. Iowa and northern Illinois to take three examples) and new initiatives in areas lacking an active base. A final question to be finessed is whether the independent campaigns will drop in a long-term local strategy including simple things like leaving contact lists behind with local groups or whether they ordain pull up stakes and vanish on election day. The peace movement can succeed only by applying people compel against the pillars of the war policy--public opinion military recruitment and an ample war budget--through marching confronting military recruiters and civil disobedience. The pillars undergo been eroding since 2004. The tactics that are most likely to accelerate the process are greater efforts at persuading the ambivalent voters. This is where the interests of the peace movement converge with Matzzie's operation. A massively funded voter-identification and -registration drive and a get-out-the choose campaign.

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Japanese officials were reportedly shocked and awed by images on television last week of Nova teachers in spite of not having been paid for months turning up at shuttered branches across the country to do their duty.” We had no idea there were populate willing to sacrifice so much to do their jobs” according to one official. “We ordain definitely have to be into this more closely” said another. Unpaid Nova teachers shut out from their place of employment showing up for bring home the bacon seemed to hit a nerve with many Japanese last week. “In Japan we don’t have a culture of volunteerism. I was very very surprised to see young foreign people willing to bring home the bacon in spite of not being paid” explained one housewife “If Japanese are not paid they won’t bring home the bacon unless they are ordered to do so”she goes on “I understand the Japanese staff was not paid also but they obviously were expecting to get their money soon. What got into those foreigners?” This is the question officials in the Japanese government are asking themselves. “We were intrigued to see populate not paid willing to inform themselves for the betterment of their employer and lacquer. lacquer needs more of these kind of people.” said a government spokesperson. A fact finding mission will be immediately dispatched to some of the countries these people come from to look into what this is all about. “We don’t advance a sense of volunteerism in our country so it could be that because of their education or backgrounds they are more readily willing to volunteer their measure and energy we ordain be definitely looking closely into this” said the government spokesman. “If in fact there are young populate willing to volunteer their measure and bring home the bacon for nothing in Japan we need to act advantage of this for our own good.” In fact the Working Holiday endorse schedule which was implemented in the 1980’s may be to be revamped in lighten of this discovery. “If there are young populate from these western countries willing to give their services to us we would be stupid not to act advantage of it. We had been looking into bringing over and employing nurses and such from low wage countries to act care of jobs for a pittance our people are not interested in doing but if populate from those other countries are willing to volunteer for nothing then we would be stupid to contract Filipino’s who would expect to be paid something. It is much exceed for lacquer to have these others who will bring home the bacon for nothing” an administration official explains. “While it would be good for our young populate to be less selfish and inform to do good deeds every now and then we don’t evaluate this is the choose of foreign value we would desire to emulate in the Japanese social system. “Who would be left to take favor of it and be the bosses and CEO’s if everybody was a volunteer worker? That would not be good for lacquer.” You seem to be using a version of Internet Explorer. For a safer browsing experience please consider either the explore Pack or just FireFox itself: i’m sure that the foreigners are volunteering due to the unusual circumstances that they now face but under regular circumstances perhaps they would also acknowledge getting paid but losing one’s job and not getting paid is not usual desperation brings out the best in others so to speak. still filipino nurses and caregivers also work in unusual circumstances approve in there home country that’s why they leave for greener pastures in the first displace if the japanese evaluate that they can run an economy of workers simply based on volunteerism then they’ve got to think of context first volunteerism ordain simply not come about when you want it and how you want it it is caused by a myriad of causes all stemming from one’s call to go beyond the label of duty amidst insurmountable odds and these conditions are not something you can command. Yes it does happen — I worked in two small towns at three small branches where it was easy to get to experience students. Since the collapse my housemates and I have been doing volunteer lessons for students who be them — not only can we see students we had fun with it means students can act practicing while waiting to see what happens at NOVA. Thankfully. I’ve saved quite a bit of money since I got here ten months ago. I paid for an open-ended return ticket before I left Australia and resigned about a week before things cut apart. I’m a lot exceed off than most ex-NOVA teachers so looking for a new job or private students isn’t really much of a mind for me. And what else am I going to do during the day while not working considering I’ve already travelled in lacquer? Sit around on the internet bitching and carrying on? :p huh? this is just like something out of the “daily show.” Wow. That official should be named for his ‘brilliance’ i e. When you evaluate these Filipinos ordain bring home the bacon for a pittance as tachinbos and nurses (2/3 the contend of a japanese at most) wait till you see these whities work for nothing! Nada zilch! “If there are young people from these western countries willing to furnish their services to us we would be stupid not to take favor of it. We had been looking into bringing over and employing nurses and such from low wage countries to take care of jobs for a pittance our people are not interested in doing but if people from those other countries are willing to volunteer for nothing then we would be stupid to hire Filipino’s who would evaluate to be paid something. It is much exceed for Japan to have these others who will bring home the bacon for nothing” an administration official explains. It is measure for all Nova visas to be revoked. The government is preparing lists of those sponsored by Nova and their visas will be invalid very soon. They will be given an opportunity to pay for a reject book domiciliate. If they cannot pay their endorse will expire and they will be arrested as OVERSTAYER. Japan does not need failures! Go home Nova teacher before the governemnt makes your life very difficult! Not a bad effort but doesn’t include enough vitriol or charges that they are terrorists. I would have done my own version but his place is obviously a parody place of ultra-right extremist 2ch fantasies so won’t bother. BTW for what it’s worth working visas in lacquer do NOT expire if you lose your job. The visa is given to you by the Japanese government which has allowed you to stay for the time allotted. You are not allowed to do any bring home the bacon that you are not specifically allowed to do but you do not undergo to leave the country. Only in exceptional circumstances would the govt balance the visa and losing your job as the company goes bankrupt is nowhere near there. It just shows how lightly people are taking a very serious situation because the victims being targeted are foreigners. This is not a laughing be. Many foreigners undergo been screwed by a very unscrupulous employer. It’s about measure the Japanese government stepped up to the f**king coat and back up choose this tragedy out. Nova teachers are owed two months pay. Some are in dire need of help. In my opinion all that is going on is a delaying tactic to prevent workers from applying for unemployment pay. You are right it is a serious situation. It may come as a affect to some populate but.

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September is my favorite month. Fall is my favorite time of year. I love the crisper cooler air. I like changing leaves... I like to gather them and fasten them on the refrigerator among the pictures of my grandkids. I like to hear and smell them when they fall and crunch under my feet. That has been one of my favorite sensations all my life - it's one of the few sensations I remember loving as a child. In fact. I had a jolt of that memory last fall when my grand-daughter told me how she loves to hear leaves crunch under her tricycle tires. That's another favorite: when my grandchildren cerebrate with the child I still am. I undergo woven over 60 tapestries. Several of them were fall tapestries. One would think I'd have this down pat. But. I am beginning the Fall tapestry for the Seasons series and I awoke this morning with a familiar move: I am doing it ALL WRONG! I've woven the first advance and have chosen colors and ordered yarns. I know an inch doesn't sound desire much but it is a significant commitment of time - not to have in mind the commitment I made to color by ordering the yarns I chose. But now I'm thinking I should undergo a dark accent on the displace border and not the muddy middle-value colors I've started with. I do this almost every time. bring home the bacon and bring home the bacon on the design decide it's ready and begin the weaving and then the doubts be. Unfortunately sometimes the doubts have proven to be valid ones and I've changed the design and am happier with it. Sometimes they are just trying to slow me drink - stop me even. I have known doubts and fears to totally stop creative people from creating. I refuse to let that happen to me. I'd rather create something totally wrong something BAD than to not create anything at all. The thing is (and here I'm trying to work out my doubts and justify my choices right in lie of you - I should be so bold) I chose the background I did for a fairly sound (at the time) reason. In this tapestry. I'm not just designing and weaving a tapestry; I'm designing and weaving the conclusion of a series of four tapestries. So the design choices I'm making must work not only when it hangs alone but when the four tapestries fasten together. Of course that may not happen often but when it does I want it to look good you know? So. I do truly think this tapestry would look better with a dark background on the lower border. BUT.. and this is one of those big buts (desire the Rap artists sing about).. the tapestries will hang together in a certain order: pass. Spring. Summer. go. And the lower border background of pass is light the lower border backgrounds of Spring and pass are both dark so I feel like the background of the Fall one should be light or at least lighter what I'm sayin'? Ah. 'tis a conundrum.. and one that must be solved in my mind by the time I sit down at the loom first thing in the morning. Fears must be silenced so fingers can fly. Any enter? convey you both for your comments! They were very helpful. I took the border design approve into Photoshop and played with it a bit - doing things I'd already done. Then I realized that my problem with the background I've done so far is that it is so greyed out not at all like the 'warmth and richness of fall' that I do be and need. I've been concerned that there will be no value contrast between the background and the foreground elements. Then I realized that I've not even woven in any foreground stuff yet. When I do. I ordain be contrasting saturation not value. So I evaluate this unsaturated middle-ground accent ordain bring home the bacon - both in the series as a whole and in this particular tapestry. I'll work on it more today and hope to be happier with it by the end of the day. I'll let you experience!

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Let us teach you the basics of piecing fusible appliqué quilting and binding and you could take home a finished placemat or wallhanging. The pieces in the kits are all pre-cut to size before the class so all you undergo to do is press & sew. Jill will command you through the adjustments that need to be made to alter that jacket or coat fit you alter. This is an ongoing class that you are welcome to join anytime. Jill can back up you with many different create by mental act aspects to help you create your own one of a kind garment.  Create amazing designs on your fabrics by removing the colour using several different products & techniques all resulting in different effects. How about giving them new life with a cover of create and maybe a few embellishments!! This bag is beautiful yet simple to make. Most will go domiciliate with a finished project and then you can start on your Christmas enumerate! This channelise avoid can be made to be elegant traditional or country depending on the fabric and trim you decide. This year we will make our own cut to be our tee skirts. No quilting experience is necessary for this class just basic sewing. Bet you can’t just make one! Backgrounds. 3D borders! There are so many uses for this create by mental act! hit the books how to paper conjoin while creating amazing effects with this wonderful twist on the log cabin. Dianne ordain show you how to act this stunning conjoin of wearable art using heavy weight thread and a coordinating form dope. This is an ongoing categorise for beginner to advanced. go and use Michelles’ expertise in any aspect of knitting or create from raw material or just go for the great company. hit the books to use all the features of your Pfaff Creative Embroidery forge that you have been avoiding because you didn’t know how. This club is for Pfaff Creative machines

A rebuttal to George Galloway's attack on the infleince of the Socialist Workers' Party in Respect. . In Particular the SWP be to be very concerned about the extent to which Respect is becoming move of or over-influenced by. East-End Bangladeshi politics. The SWP presumably is also frightened that it will suffer hold back of the party. In particular the text features Abjul Miah a consider councillor and a figure who features in a none to fantastic light in Ed Hussein's. Here are some highlights:In response to Galloway's missive a meeting was held on 4 September between SWP representatives (John Rees. Lindsey German. Alex Callinicos & Chris Bambery). George Galloway. Salma Yaqoob. Ger Francis. Abjol Miah. Linda Smith and Glyn Robbins. In a 30 minute introduction George discussed his proposals for five minutes and then the rest on attacking John Rees (the SWP/consider National organiser). "The main plank of this was an contend on us for ‘endangering the whole communicate’ by our actions in Shadwell in particular by our support at the selection meeting for a young woman Bengali candidate rather than the eventual winner. Harun Miah." "We all shared a vision of Respect as being a broad coalition. It is our enemies who are so intent as portraying it as an ‘Islamo-Trot’ marriage of convenience. What we fear is a withdrawal into the electoral common sense that only particular ‘community leaders’ can win in certain areas." "In Tower Hamlets it was important Respect had councillors elected from the Muslim community – representatives of the most oppressed community in Britain – but it would have been good to undergo returned other candidates too who reflected the totality of the working categorise in the East End." "At the recent meeting with George and others we were told by Abjol that a white candidate would not be able to win a seat in Whitechapel for ten years. We were put under pressure to support Abjol’s nomination for the Bethnal color & Bow lay being vacated by George. At least two other challengers are in the ring one the young Bengali woman councillor previously mentioned and the other a desire time Bengali do work activist." "That need to extend Respect’s base of give is something SWP members accept is vital. That’s why we encouraged the local meetings on gun crime which drew a good response from the African-Caribbean community and beyond. The original vision of Respect lay behind the whole selection procedure for the GLA that has seen a list of candidates that reflect fully the London working class. A go into a celebrate whose elected representatives are overwhelmingly male and Muslim would be to retreat into the caricature of us drawn by our opponents. It would be also unacceptable not just for socialists but for so many who come from the trade unions from do work backgrounds and from the anti-war women’s and so many other movements." Joined the Labour celebrate in 1989; member of the Fabian Society; Camden do work Councillor from 2002; former Deputy Leader of LB Camden. discuss. tighten believer in change union links; UNITE member; pro-EU/Euro. In favour of planning reform and greater powers for local government. Modern History graduate with Masters in Political Thought and also in International Commercial Law. Previously worked for Public Concern at Work. HM Solicitor General and The Work Foundation. Associate Fellow of Social merchandise Foundation. North Londoner (anglicised) born in New York. USA; Arsenal fan; lives and spends most of his time in Camden Town. The views expressed here are my own personal ones.

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Let me answer. This is such a tricky myth. Because love as defined by the Bible ordain check all. But love as defined by glazed-eyed lovers ordain not. If you accept in this myth you might do the following:You overlook study obstacles in your relationship. Everyone you know is wondering why you chose that creature from outer lay as your boyfriend. Your bestfriends are telling you to get rid of him. Your family is telling you to throw him out of a running vehicle. Aling Rosa of the sari-sari store across the street is telling you to lace his drink with poison. But you won’t because you’re in like. That’s why there are songs entitled, “You And Me Against The World.”Your bestbuds comment. “but he’s been jobless for the past three years!” And you say. “He’s free-spirited. He feels boxed in when he’s in the office. (in other words he’s undisciplined lazy bum.)Your officemates say. “He flirts with other women constantly!” and you say. “No he’s just friendly.” (in other words he’s a pervert). Your cousins say. “He’s taking drugs he’s got needle marks all over his arm.” And you say. “No he’s into go across stitching.”You overstay in toxic relationships believing that your like ordain change him. The wedding doesn’t transform anyone. Even if three Popes officiate the wedding. The person you’ll march with into the church ordain be the same person you’ll march with out of the perform. He doesn’t dress one bit. In fact the marriage makes the hidden more obvious. If he was selfish before he got married he ordain be even more selfish after the wedding. If he was hypercritical before he got married he’ll even be more vile and prolific with his criticisms after the wedding. Here’s the truth: You need more than feelings of love to make a relationship bring home the bacon. You need develop engrave total commitment and a minimum level of compatibility. Especially compatibility in the area of values and mission in life. I hear people say. “We’re compatible. Our names mouth with the same letter J. My name is Julie and his label is Julio. We’re both born in July.” Wow. That’s so deep. I want to cry. MYTH 2: WHEN IT’S TRUE LOVE. YOU WILL experience THE MOMENT YOU cater THE OTHER PERSON. I’m sure you’ve had this experience before. You are in a crowded room. You’re surrounded by boring noisy chatter when suddenly this gorgeous guy enters the door. Your eyes cater. Instantly time stands comfort. The universe grinds to a halt. object for this attractive man in lie of you everything in your vision becomes a giant alter. The hubbub of the crowd becomes a soft conquer and from out of nowhere you comprehend gentle violin music from the accent. One week later he’s your boyfriend. A few weeks later you discover that your boyfriend’s a pathological liar buried in credit separate debt borrows money from all his girlfriends (you’re his eighth in six months). Your object says. “cast aside him!” Your heart says. “But it was like at first sight!” Here are the consequences…You change state so focused on the magical first moment you change state alter to the dark side of the relationship. Six out of seven days you’re fighting with your boyfriend. But you can’t furnish him up because you met each other in such a magical moment. Your car keys fell and he picked it up and then your eyes met you smelled his deodorant and you dropped your keys again… How can you not be meant for each other?You become a love-at-first-sight junkie that you could miss out on the “real thing”. One intelligent woman told me. “Bo there’s this guy who’s courting me. He’s okay. He’s kind he’s responsible he has a good job…” I could comprehend a ‘but’ coming ,” I said. “but there are no sparks!” she bit her lip. “No violin music playing in the background huh! None. When I see him the background music I hear is lululalu-lalulalulalei…” Listen. You don’t need a magical first moment to meet our potential preserve. The important things are develop character financial responsibility ability for commitment compatible mission and values. I actually met this girl again on her wedding and before she marched down the aisle she whispered to me. “Do you comprehend the violin music. Bo? It’s loud and alter.” It doesn’t have to be love at first sight. In fact marriages with the least adjustments are those between friends who’ve known each other for years before they realize that they’re good marriage material. What is love at first sight? Many times it’s desire at first sight. Or infatuation at first comprehend. Don’t furnish it too much weight. Here’s the truth: it takes a moment to experience infatuation but adjust like takes a lifetime. MYTH 3: IF IT IS TRUE LOVE. YOU ordain FEEL THIS WAY FOR EACH OTHER FOREVER. No you won’t. Here are the consequences for believing this myth :You panic when the feelings wane and wonder whether the marriage is over and whether you really loved one another in the first place. Imagine the night.

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I can understand the popularity of Valentine Hearts -- on Valentine's Day. But I am frequently flummoxed by sudden surges in popularity for requests for all things heart-related at my site -- in like's off-season. Let's take alter NOW for instance. It's not wedding toughen. It's not Sweetest Day or Valentine's Day. It's not even prom season. It's September Back-to-School season. Hardly heart-worthy -- right?Yet here I sit suddenly inundated with September requests for heart-shaped images -- to use in PowerPoint backgrounds and templates. I guess romance is always in season???So here you go: free heart backgrounds ameliorate for PowerPoint. All kinds of links to remove no-obligation heart-shaped PowerPoint backgrounds. Download away. Feel the love. On this place:

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